-- PART 3 --

Diesel Gas Chambers: Ideal for Torture -- Absurd for Murder

11. An Empire built on Coal, Air and Water

In addition to producer gas, the Germans had the world's most advanced coal gasification technology.[104] One of the first steps was to produce carbon monoxide, which could then in turn be used either as fuel or as an intermediate raw material in the synthesis of other products. The following postwar statement by some of America's greatest experts on German industry summarized the situation:[105]

"War-time Germany was an empire built on coal, air and water. 84.5% of her aviation fuel, 85% of her motor fuel, more than 99% of all her rubber, 100% of her concentrated nitric acid – the base substance for all military explosives – and 99% of her no less important methanol were synthesized from these three raw materials. Coal gasification facilities, where coal was converted into producer gas, were the body of this industrial organism."

Illustration 8: German war-time
producer gas bus built by the Ford Motor Company in Nazi Germany.

Illustration 9 (below): widespread German war-time logo for producer gas technology

Because of Germany's isolation from adequate sources of petroleum and natural rubber, she had already converted much of her industry during World War One to use coal as a substitute source of hydrocarbons for making synthetic liquid fuels as well as a vast assortment of chemical substances, including synthetic rubber. Millions of tons of carbon monoxide were produced as part of this technology and would have been more than enough to kill the entire population of Europe many times over.

Coal gasification plants were located in all of Germany's industrial regions. One region containing several such plants was Silesia, where the abundance of coal had for more than a century been the basis of that region's industry. One Silesian facility was the IG Farbenindustrie A.G. plant at Auschwitz, a small portion of whose carbon monoxide could easily have been diverted through a small pipeline to Auschwitz-Birkenau only a few miles away. But no one alleges that carbon monoxide was ever used for mass murder at Auschwitz, although that would have been an ideal place for it. For mass murder at Auschwitz, the Germans supposedly used a completely different substance: Zyklon B.[106]

12. Scholarly Evasion and Metamorphosis

A marvelous attempt at evasion and distortion took place nearly twenty years ago in the Holocaust story. A group of twenty-four of the world's leading Holocaust 'scholars' tried to drop the Diesel claim by not even mentioning the engine type and by referring only to gasoline engines. This amazing metamorphosis took place in Nationalsozialistische Massentötungen durch Giftgas, published in Germany in 1983.[107] This extremely pretentious book represents the state of Holocaust mythomania in the first half of the 1980s and was recommended by the World Jewish Congress in London.[108] For example, the next to last chapter entitled "The two Poison Gases" (Die Zwei Giftgase) even gives the molecular weight of CO, twice, as well as many other totally irrelevant technical properties of CO and HCN. Many readers were no doubt impressed.

The clumsy juggling of evidence, which characterizes this book, is shown by the fact that although the Gerstein Statement refers to Diesel engines four times, the portion quoted in this supposedly definitive rebuttal of the Revisionists does not mention the Diesels at all, nor does it even describe the alleged killing process.[109] For such a description, the book gives instead a piece of post-war testimony by Dr. Pfannenstiel, in which there is also no mention of the use of Diesels, but only of the use of "Diesel fuel" in the engine.[110] How one could possibly have operated a gasoline engine with Diesel fuel was, of course, left to the reader's imagination. The fact is that any gasoline engine simply would not operate with Diesel fuel – and vice versa.

A fatal flaw in the non-Diesel version of the CO murder story is the recurrent claim that the corpses were "blue." Death from gasoline engine exhaust would 'only' have been due to carbon monoxide and could 'only' have caused a distinctive cherry red or pink appearance. Although Pfannenstiel's post-war testimony is not nearly as wild as the Gerstein Statement, nonetheless, he and other so-called eyewitnesses also repeated the claim that the corpses were "blue."[111]

That the Gerstein Statement, even in a severely and fraudulently abbreviated form, was included in Massentötungen at all only shows how desperate the Holocaust scholars are to scrape together anything and everything in support of their monstrous fantasy. The new 'revised' version of the Holocaust story is even more absurd than the old version. Although an engineer might mistake a gasoline engine for a Diesel engine, how could anyone mistake red for blue? Perhaps they were all color-blind?

The Diesel gas chamber claim is rubbish – apparently some of the exterminationists including Raul Hilberg recognize that now. However, the alternate claim that gasoline engine exhaust was used instead is rubbish also, since it contradicts the only evidence that is available, namely the contradictory statements of the witnesses. For this reason, the Holocaust pundits have recently returned to the old story: the 1993 Enzyklopädie des Holocaust[112] agrees with the Jerusalem verdict[113] about Demjanjuk's alleged crimes in Treblinka as well as with the findings of German courts:[114] They were Diesel engines![115]

13. Conclusions

Although it would have been theoretically possible to commit the deeds alleged for Treblinka, Belzec, and Sobibor with Diesel engines, it would have required an inordinate amount of expertise and determination as well as technical apparatus to impose or simulate sufficient load on the Diesel engines. Such expertise is not even remotely indicated by the eyewitness testimony or by any other evidence. Even if all the necessary conditions had been met, the would-be murderers would ultimately have had an arrangement which at best (worst?) would still have been only marginally effective at its morbid task. It would be hard to imagine a mass murder method more awkward and more inefficient. Even if some deranged minds had tried for a time to commit murder with Diesel exhaust, after a few tries it would have become apparent to even the most demented fiend that something far better was needed. The idea that the National Socialists actually used such a method not just for a few fiendish experiments, but continually over many months in several different locations is too preposterous. It never happened!

 

Illustration 10: New Russian Word admits frankly: The Revisionists have the "air superiority"; Diesel exhaust is unsuitable for mass murder! Here the issue of February 28, 1995: "Ideology Holocaust" (Проверка Катастрофой. Click to enlarge.)

If the National Socialists had ever intended to commit mass murder with CO, they would doubtless have used the ubiquitous producer gas technology. 500,000 producer gas vehicles are the incontrovertible evidence that the Diesel claim is totally absurd.

According to Novoje Russkoje Slowo (New Russian Word),[116] a New York daily newspaper edited by and for emigrated Russian Jews, the world's most renowned Holocaust historian Prof. Raul Hilberg made the following statement:

"The Nazis did not manufacture soap from human fat, and did not kill their victims with Diesel exhaust. All these rumors were circulated in 1942, but we have the duty to thoroughly separate these rumors and fabrications from the facts and truth. Little lies provide fodder for the deniers and act against us."







 

The absence of credible evidence will continue to drive revisionism long after the current crop of revisionists has gone. Ultimately, the purveyors of the anti-Nazi, homicidal gassing claims condemn themselves. The German officials who suppress, even with imprisonment, the least expression of doubt about the gassing claims condemn themselves as well.

Notes

This chapter is an expanded and revised edition of F. P. Berg's article "The Diesel Gas Chambers – Myth Within a Myth", The Journal of Historical Review (JHR) 5(1) (1984), pp. 15-46 (online: ihr.org/jhr/v05/v05p-15_Berg.html). Although this author gladly takes credit for this work, the editor Germar Rudolf deserves credit also for having made many substantive additions to the arguments and for many important reference citations.

[1] The history of, and public reactions to, this travesty of justice are described in the following chapter by A. Neumaier.
[2] New York Post, March 17, 1990; The Washington Times, March 19, 1990; repeated on "This Week with David Brinkley", ABC television, Sunday, Dec. 8, 1991.
[3] The New Republic, Oct. 22, 1990; G. F. Will, Newsweek, March 4, 1996. See especially: Friedrich Paul Berg, "Pat Buchanan and the Diesel Exhaust Controversy," www.codoh.com/gcgvwill.html
[4] Cf. the chapter by W. Rademacher, this volume, as well as afp, "Österreicher bestreitet Holocaust", Süddeutsche Zeitung, March 13, 1992, p. 10; Neue Kronenzeitung, April 20, 1993; "Ein rauhes Lüftl", Bau 5/1995, p. 8; "Rechte Gutachten", Profil, June 20, 1994; E. Kosmath, letter to the editor, Bau 11/1994; ARA, "Lüftl wieder in Kammer, 'Schwieriges Problem'", Standard (Vienna), Sept. 19, 1994.
[5] W. Lüftl, "Sollen Lügen künftig Pflicht sein?", Deutschland in Geschichte und Gegenwart, 41(1) (1993), pp. 13f. (online: vho.org/D/DGG/Lueftl41_1.html).
[6] J. Bailer, in Brigitte Bailer-Galanda, Wolfgang Benz, Wolfgang Neugebauer (eds.), Wahrheit und Auschwitzlüge, Deuticke, Vienna 1995, pp. 99-118, here 100-107; cf. G. Rudolf, "Zur Kritik an 'Wahrheit und Auschwitzlüge'", in Vrij Historisch Onderzoek (ed.), Kardinalfragen zur Zeitgeschichte, Vrij Historisch Onderzoek, Berchem 1996, pp. 91-108, here 98-102 (online: vho.org/D/Kardinal/Wahrheit.html; English: vho.org/GB/Books/cq/critique.html).
[7] Cf. the articles by G. Rudolf, Carlo Mattogno, and Jürgen Graf in this volume.
[8] R. Hilberg, The Destruction of the European Jews, Quadrangle Books, Chicago 1961, p. 572; German ed.: Die Vernichtung der europäischen Juden, Olle & Wolter, Berlin 1982, p. 604.
[9] Updated with information from the official German Institut für Zeitgeschichte (Institute for contemporary History).
[10] Maximum figure given by F. Golczewski in W. Benz, Dimension des Völkermords, Oldenbourg, Munich 1991, p. 495.
[11] From 9 million to 500,000, depending on the source. At the moment, 1 million is the officially espoused figure; cf. the chapter on statistics by G. Rudolf, this volume.
[12] R. Hilberg, op. cit. (note 8), Eng. ed. p. 562.
[13] William B. Lindsey, "Zyklon B, Auschwitz, and the Trial of Dr. Bruno Tesch", JHR 4(3) (1983), pp. 261-303 (online: vho.org/GB/Journals/JHR/4/3/Lindsey261-303.html).
[14] H. Roques, Faut-il fusiller Henri Roques?, Ogmios Diffusion, Paris 1986 (cf. online: abbc.com/aaargh/fran/ ACHR/ACHR.a.html); cf. also André Chelain, La Thèse de Nantes et l'affaire Roques, Ogmios Diffusion, Paris 1989 ; abbrev. German ed.: H. Roques, Die "Geständnisse" des Kurt Gerstein, Druffel, Leoni 1986 (online: abbc.com/aaargh/deut/HRgerstein1.html); cf. D. Felderer, JHR 1(1) (1980), pp. 69-80; D. Felderer, JHR 1(2) (1980), pp. 169-172 (online: vho.org/GB/Journals/1/1/Felderer69-80.html & .../2/Felderer169-172.html); C. Mattogno, Il rapporto Gerstein – Anatomia di un falso, Sentinella d'Italia, Monfalcone 1985; cf. Raul Hilberg, "Expert's admission: Some gas death 'facts' nonsense", Toronto Sun, Jan. 17, 1985.
[15] An example of gross distortions is L. Poliakov, Harvest of Hate, Schocken Books (Holocaust Library), New York 1979, p. 195 (French ed.: Bréviaire de la Haine, Calman-Levy, Paris 1951, pp. 220ff.).
[16] R. Hilberg, The Destruction of the European Jews, Holmes and Meier, New York 1985, pp. 890, 892, 963, 964, 975f.
[17] According to Y. Arad, Belzec, Sobibor, Treblinka: The Operation Reinhard Death Camps, University Press, Bloomington 1987, p. 123, the real name of this Heckenholt was Lorenz Hackenholt. Besides Hackenholt, Arad claims that Ivan Demjanjuk was responsible for operating the Diesel gas chambers in Treblinka, ibid., p. 86. In light of the disastrous outcome of the Demjanjuk affair for the Israelis, it should now be obvious that most of the eyewitness accounts used by Arad are worthless. It appears that Arad's book, published when the Demjanjuk case was not yet settled, is nothing more than propaganda for influencing the trial's outcome.
[18] This sentence is missing from the version given by H. Rothfels (ed.), "Augenzeugenberichte zu den Massenvergasungen," Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte 1 (1953), pp. 177-194. Instead, Rothfels remarked: "A strictly personal observation then follows."
[19] Version T2, H. Roques, op. cit. (note 14), German ed., p. 57.
[20] Even closely crowded, 10 people per square meter are the maximum; cf. E. Neufert, Bauentwurfslehre, Vieweg, Wiesbaden 1992, p. 27; cf. U. Walendy, Historische Tatsachen no. 29, Verlag für Volkstum und Zeitgeschichtsforschung, Vlotho 1985, p. 12: 46 persons will fit onto the 4.44 m2 load area of a heavy-goods vehicle, according to Quick, April 25, 1985.
[21] Letter from Pfannenstiel to P. Rassinier, dated Aug. 3, 1963, published in W. Stäglich, U. Walendy, "NS-Bewältigung", Historische Tatsachen no. 5, Historical Review Press, Southam (GB) 1979, p. 20.
[22] Regarding the toxicology of carbon monoxide, cf. e.g.: W. Forth, D. Henschler, W. Rummel, K. Starke, Allgemeine und spezielle Pharmakologie und Toxikologie, 6th ed., Wissenschaftsverlag, Mannheim 1992, pp. 756ff.; S. Kaye, Handbook of Emergency Toxicology, C. C. Thomas, Springfield 1980, pp. 187f.; C. J. Polson, R. N. Tattersall, Clinical Toxicology, Lippincott, Philadelphia 1969, pp. 604-621.
[23] L. Poliakov, Harvest of Hate, op. cit. (note 15), p. 196. Further typical and fundamental sources that speak of the use of Diesel engines include: W. Grossmann, Die Hölle von Treblinka, Foreign Languages Publishing House, Moscow 1947: death occurred within 10-20 minutes due to tank engine exhaust, sometimes also due to vacuum and steam; Eliahu Rosenberg, Tatsachenbericht, Jewish Historical Documentation, Dec. 24, 1947, p. 4: mass murder with Diesel engine exhaust within 20-35 minutes (published in H. P. Rullmann, Der Fall Demjanjuk, Verlag für ganzheitliche Forschung und Kultur, Struckum 1987, pp. 133-144); World Jewish Congress et al. (eds.), The Black Book: The Nazi Crime Against the Jewish People, New York 1946; reprint by Nexus Press, New York 1981: no fewer than 3 million victims in Treblinka due to carbon monoxide from tank engines, sometimes also due to vacuum and steam.
[24] W. Braker, A. L. Mossman, Effects of Exposure to Toxic Gases, Matheson Gas Products, East Rutherford 1970, p. 12; 2nd ed., D. Siegel, Lynhurst, N.J., 1977.
[25] According to the eyewitness statements in E. Kogon, H. Langbein, A. Rückerl et al. (eds.), Nationalsozialistische Massentötungen durch Giftgas, Fischer, Frankfurt/Main 1986, p. 159 (E. Fuchs, 10 mins.), p. 167 (K.A. Schluch, 5-7 mins.), p. 174 (K. Gerstein, 18 mins.), p. 181 (A. Goldfarb, 20-25 mins.), the gassing procedure allegedly sometimes took much less time; in accordance with Gerstein: Matthes, in H. P. Rullmann, op. cit. (note 23), p. 167: 30 min.
[26] F. E. Camps, Medical and Scientific Investigations in the Christie Case, Medical Publications Ltd., London 1953, p. 170.
[27] Y. Henderson, H. W. Haggard, Noxious Gases, Reinhold Publishing, New York 1943, p. 168.
[28] P. S. Myers, "Automobile Emissions – A Study in Environmental Benefits versus Technological Costs", Society of Automotive Engineers Transactions 79 (1970), section 1, paper 700182, p. 662.
[29] Keith Simpson (ed.), Taylor's Principles and Practice of Medical Jurisprudence, J. & A. Churchill, London 1965, pp. 366f.; Graph 2 originally appeared in K. Simpson, R.A. Furbank, Journal for Medicine, 2 (1995), p. 5.
[30] Hb× CO – hemoglobin-carbon monoxide compound, the compound formed by CO and blood hemoglobin, whereby the oxygen (Hb× O2, oxyhemoglobin) becomes displaced.
[31] The Soviets used gasoline engines in some of their tanks (models BT, T 28, T 35). Soviet Diesel engines first appeared in 1939 in the T-34 Stalin tank and surprised everyone outside the Soviet Union at the beginning of the German-Soviet war (The heavy tanks KW Ia and KW II had Diesel engines, too). The heavy Diesel engine of the T 34, model "W2", was a V12 cylinder Diesel (undivided chamber) with 550 hp, 38.86 l cubic capacity and a maximum 1900 rpm; cf. Augustin, Motortechnische Zeitschrift 5(4/5) (1943), pp. 130-139; ibid., 5(6/7) (1943), pp. 207-213; ibid., 6(1/2) (1944), p. 40; and H. Scheibert, Der russische Kampfwagen T-34 und seine Abarten, Podzun-Pallas Verlag, Friedberg 1988. Diesel engines from submarines are also mentioned: Jochen von Lang, Eichmann Interrogated, Farrar, Strauss & Giroux, New York 1983, p. 75 (German ed.: Das Eichmann-Protokoll, Severin und Siedler, Berlin 1982, p. 72), mentions a Russian submarine; see also Hannah Arendt, Eichmann in Jerusalem, Reclam-Verlag, Leipzig 1990, p. 181, who quotes a statement Eichmann made during the trial. Alleging the use of a large submarine engine in the heart of Poland is ridiculous. Marine engines are invariably far, far heavier than comparable horsepower automotive engines to achieve reliable, continuous, long-term service.
[32] In Germany as well, the emission levels from Diesel engines have always been below the threshold values set by the Federal Emissions Regulation. This is why Diesels were the only kind of engine to be exempt from the mandatory use of catalytic converters until 1994.
[33] David F. Merrion, "Effect of Design Revisions on Two Stroke Cycle Diesel Engine Exhaust", Society of Automotive Engineers Transactions 77 (1968), paper 680422, p. 1535.
[34] M. A. Elliott, R. F. Davis, "Composition of Diesel Exhaust Gas", Society of Automotive Engineers Quarterly Transactions 4(3) (1950), p. 345. Unfortunately, some of the following graphs use air/fuel, some fuel/air ratios, so we are forced to use them both here. An air/fuel ration of 18:1 equals a fuel/air ration of 0.055 (20:1 = 0.05, 25:1 = 0.04, 33.3:1 = 0.03 ...)
[35] Over the years, a number of exterminationists have falsely speculated that Diesels could simply be adjusted somehow by perhaps turning a screw somewhere or by changing the injection timing to give high CO emission levels. If it were so easy it would be of great concern to auto emission inspectors but it is of no concern at all. The excess air in the cylinders and exhaust drives the combustion process toward near perfection. There is no basis anywhere in the automotive literature for such an exterminationist argument. Let the exterminationists try to find such evidence in the literature or anywhere else. The EPA will be extremely interested.
[36] In the past 50 years the data used for Graphs 4 and 5 have been repeatedly used in the technical literature by numerous engineers. This shows, on the one hand, how reliable the data are that were used for this graph. On the other hand it also underlines the nature of this data as the worst possible emission curves of Diesel engines. Two earlier works which drew on this data are: H. H. Schrenk, L. B. Berger, "Composition of Diesel Engine Exhaust Gas", American Journal of Public Health 31(7) (1941), p. 674; and Martin A. Elliott, "Combustion of Diesel Fuels", Society of Automotive Engineers Quarterly Transactions 3(3) (1949), p. 509.
[37] While the experiments involved, and their purpose, were discussed in numerous articles, the paper by J. C. Holtz, "Safety with mobile Diesel-powered equipment underground", Report of Investigations No. 5616, U.S. Department of the Interior, Bureau of Mines, Washington, D.C., 1960, p. 67, is probably the best; cf. Holtz, R. W. Dalzell, "Diesel Exhaust Contamination of Tunnel Air", ibid., 1968. Also John C. Holtz and M. A. Elliott, "The Significance of Diesel-Exhaust Gas Analysis," Transactions of the ASME, 63 (1941), pp. 97-105
[38] The earlier exception for coal mines arose not from true health and safety considerations but from the political pressure of the United Mine Workers Union which saw all liquid fuels as a threat to job security. Diesel locomotives had cost the UMWA thousands of jobs. Electrically-driven vehicles and equipment, with lengthy power cables, derived their energy from coal burned in electric power plants and were, therefore, entirely acceptable to the union. S.O. Ogden "The war over Diesels," Coal Mining & Processing, June 1978, p. 102.
[39] Data taken from: M. A. Elliott, R. F. Davis, op. cit. (note 34), p. 333.
[40] D. Pankow, Toxikologie des Kohlenmonoxids, VEB Verlag Volk und Gesundheit, Berlin (East) 1981, p. 24, also states that Diesel engines under full load do not produce more than 0.4% CO by volume.
[41] Edward F. Obert, Internal Combustion Engines and Air Pollution, Intext Educational Publishers, New York 1973, p. 361.
[42] Y. Henderson, H. W. Haggard, op. cit. (note 42), pp. 144-145.
[43] J. S. Haldane, J. G. Priestley, Respiration, Yale UP, New Haven 1935, pp. 223-224.
[44] Note: The composition of exhaust gasses is almost independent from the rpm's of the engine. The rpm's simply determine how much gas is produced. If the rpm's are lower, for the same fuel/air ratio the whole process will take longer.
[45] Based on the data from Graphs 4 and 5.
[46] One objection to my 1984 essay was that I had not properly considered the combined effects of carbon monoxide and reduced oxygen. If one determines an "effective carbon monoxide level," as explained in this text, one will see that there is no significant increase in toxicity for half-hour exposures due to reduced oxygen until one gets the engine running under heavy loads which is exactly what I claimed in 1984.
[47] L.J. Meduna, Carbon Dioxide Therapy, C. C. Thomas, Springfield 1958, pp. 3-19.
[48] J.D.P. Graham, The Diagnosis and Treatment of Acute Poisoning, Oxford UP, London 1962, pp. 215-217.
[49] L.T. Fairhall, Industrial Toxicology, Williams & Wilkins, Baltimore 1957, p. 180.
[50] M. Daunderer, Klinische Toxikologie, 32nd supplement 21/87, ecomed, Landsberg 1987, p. 1.
[51] J.M. Arena, Poisoning: Toxicology – Symptoms – Treatments, C. C. Thomas, Springfield 1979, p. 243; J.D.P. Graham, op. cit. (note 48), p. 216.
[52] W. Forth et al., op. cit. (note 22), pp. 760ff.; M. Daunderer, Klinische Toxikologie, 33rd supplement 1/88, ecomed, Landsberg 1988, pp. 1ff.
[53] W. Forth et al., op. cit. (note 22), pp. 761, 765; M. Daunderer, Klinische Toxikologie, 34th supplement 2/88, ecomed, Landsberg 1988, pp. 1ff.
[54] Cf. R.E. Pattle, H. Stretch, F. Burgess, K. Sinclair, J.A.G. Edginton, Brit. J. industr. Med. 14 (1957) pp. 47-55, here p. 50. This study was brought to the author's attention by Charles D. Provan an independent researcher who still believes in Nazi gassings. I referred to this possibility and to this source in 1994 for the first time: F.P. Berg, "Die Diesel-Gaskammern: Mythos im Mythos", in Ernst Gauss (ed.), Grundlagen zur Zeitgeschichte, Grabert, Tübingen 1994, pp. 321-345.
[55] J. Falbe, M. Regitz (eds.), Römpp Chemie Lexikon, v. 5, Thieme, Stuttgart 1992, pp. 4314f.
[56] M. A. Elliott, R. F. Davis, op. cit. (note 39), p. 345.
[57] R. Kühn, K. Birett, Merkblätter Gefährlicher Arbeitsstoffe, 69th supplement 11/93, Technische Regeln für Gefahrstoffe (TRGS) 554: "Dieselmotoremissionen", ecomed, Landsberg 1993; ibid., 61st supplement 9/92, TRGS 102, Technische Richtkonzentrationen (TRK) für gefährliche Stoffe, pp. 93ff.; L. Roth, M. Daunderer, Giftliste, 23rd supplement 2/86, TRGS 102, ecomed, Landsberg 1986, pp. 51ff.
[58] Cf. the experiment by R. E. Pattle et al., op. cit. (note 54).
[59] It is interesting to note that some people cite this data as proof that it is possible to attain high CO-levels with Diesel engines: cf. Martin Pägert, (www.eikon.e-technik.tu-muenchen.de/~rwulf/leuchter/leucht19.html). What is not mentioned, however, is that this is possible only with special, gaseous fuels, not with Diesel fuel.
[60] H.H. Müller-Neuglück, H. Werkmeister, "Grubensicherheit der Diesellokomotiven", Glückauf, Aug. 23, 1930, p. 1145.
[61] S. Gilbert, "The Use of Diesel Engines Underground in British Coal Mines", The Mining Engineer (GB), June 1974, p. 403.
[62] Dennis S. Lachtman, "Diesel Exhaust – Health Effects", Mining Congress Journal, January 1981, p. 40.
[63] Mine Safety & Health Administration.
[64] Other obvious falsehoods within his 'statement' may have been intended to serve the same purpose. He may have simply wanted a cover story to save himself without providing any long term comfort to Germany's enemies. His own role in the SS with the application of Zyklon B, albeit for life saving work, would have given him additional reason to be fearful about his own future.
[65] Eran Sher (ed.), Handbook of Air Pollution from Internal Combustion Engines: Pollution Formation and Control, Boston, San Diego, New York, London, Sydney, Tokyo, Toronto: Academic Press, 1998, p. 288.
[66] See for this Arnulf Neumaier, "The Treblinka Holocaust", this volume; cf. also Yoram Sheftel, The Demjanjuk Affair. The Rise and Fall of the Show Trial, Victor Gollancz, London 1994.
[67] When testing the emissions of Diesel engines, German engineers sometimes impose load on the engine without coupling any equipment by simply opposing the inertia of the engine. Accelerating an engine with the fuel pedal depressed and with no load increases the engine speed rapidly and the fuel/air ratio as well, but only for a few seconds. This may suffice to measure the engine's exhaust composition at high fuel/air ratios, but if the cylinder wall temperatures are still unusually low, this may give erroneous test result.
[68] E. Fuchs, in E. Kogon et .al. (eds.), op. cit. (note 25), p. 163: "… I set up a light machine in the extermination camp there, so that the barracks can be lit electrically …"; E. Roosevelt, A. Einstein et al. (eds.), The Black Book of Polish Jewry, Roy Publishers, New York 1943, pp. 142ff.: murder by means of steam, Diesel engines for supplying power. Cf. also A. Donat (ed.), The Death Camp Treblinka, Holocaust Library, New York 1979, p. 157, as well as the verdict of the Düsseldorf District Court in the Treblinka Trial, Ref. 8 I Ks 2/64, p. 300; Y. Arad, op. cit. (note 17), p. 42.
[69] Kostenüberschlag über Notstromaggregate für K.G.L., Central Construction Office of the Waffen-SS and Police of Auschwitz, O./S., Oct. 26, 1942.
[70] Engine size certainly determines the total amounts of pollutants, toxic or otherwise that an engine will produce, but it has no bearing on the concentrations of those pollutants in the exhaust. It is the concentrations which are the critical consideration and not the total amounts of pollutants once levels have stabilized inside the gas chamber. A large engine will fill a potential gas chamber quicker than a small engine, but that is all. Concentrations within the chamber will never exceed the levels measured directly in the engine's exhaust.
[71]

Diesel engines have never used carburetors (all gasoline engines did until recently), and hence there are no idle-mixture adjustment screws which were always part of the carburetors which also allowed fuel/air ratios to be easily maladjusted or "tweaked' or "mistuned.". For this reason, Pattle et al. (see note 54 above) went to the round-about-method of 'choking' rather than purchasing and attaching a suitable brake dynamometer–which also suggests just how difficult it was to get such devices even in a postwar environment. The choking employed was extreme: the air intake was restricted to less than 2-1/2% of its normal size (one-fourtieth), which even caused engine misfiring during warm-up.

The Pattle text in this regard is (see page 48 of Pattle): "In the early stages of running under these conditions the firing was irregular, as if on some strokes the engine failed to fire; it grew more regular as the engine warmed up."

But even with all of that, the resulting fuel/air ratio was still only 0.0333 which is still far below the smoke limit. That smoke limit at approximately 0.055 is where CO and oxygen levels are indeed high enough, but barely, to kill in half-an-hour. Pattle's tests show that substantial "loading" on the engine is absolutely necessary for the diesel's exhaust to become toxic for half-an-hour exposures; "tweaking" and/or "choking" by themselves can not do it without loading–and that makes the entire diesel gas chamber theory absurd.

[72] R. E. Pattle et al. made two experiments with that setting, one resulting in only 0.12% CO, the other in 0.22% CO; no reason was given; CO2 was between 2.34% and 3.58%; op. cit. (note 54), pp. 49f. For another discussion of the same material see: Conrad Grieb "Holocaust: Dieselmotorabgase töten langsam," Vierteljahreshefte für freie Geschichtsforschung 1(3) (1997), pp. 134-137 (online: vho.org\VffG\1997\3\Grieb3.html).
[73] For a detailed analysis of the gas chamber claims for Treblinka, see C. Mattogno, J. Graf, Treblinka. Vernichtungslager oder Durchgangslager? Castle Hill Publishers, Hastings 2002, pp. 145-151, also in particular the Soviet 'gas chamber' plan on page 397; Engl.: Treblinka. Extermination Camp or Transit Camp? Theses & Dissertations Press, Chicago 2003.
[74] Cf. A. Donat (ed.), op. cit. (note 68), pp. 34, 157ff., and the Treblinka verdict of Düsseldorf, ibid., p. 300ff.; Y. Arad, op. cit. (note 17), p. 119f.; J.-F. Steiner, Treblinka, Stalling, Oldenburg 1966, p. 173. Regarding the engine type, cf. note 31.
[75] J.-F. Steiner, op. cit. (note 74), p. 173, speaks of 200 people per chamber. J. Wiernik (in A. Donat, op. cit. (note 68), p. 161), on the other hand, fantasizes about 1,000 to 1,200 per chamber, whose area he gives as 7 × 7 m, in other words more than 20 people per square meter. Y. Arad, op. cit. (note 17), pp. 120f., puts a maximum of 380 but an actual estimate of up to 300 people into each chamber, and at times speaks of only 6 chambers, not 10.
[76] Augustin, Motortechnische Zeitschrift 5(4/5) (1943), pp. 130-139.
[77] The resultant excess pressure would have exploded the chamber after only a few minutes; cf. the chapter by A. Neumaier in this volume.
[78] Assuming a linear increase in the CO content.
[79] W.F. Marshall, R.W. Hurn, "Hazard from Engines Rebreathing Exhaust in Confined Space", U.S. Department of the Interior, Bureau of Mines, Report of Investigations 7757, 1973, pp. 7-10.
[80] H. Bour, I. McA. Ledingham, Carbon Monoxide Poisoning, Elsevier, Amsterdam 1967, p. 2.
[81] W. Oerley, "Entwicklung und Stand der Holzgaserzeuger in Österreich, März 1938", Automobiltechnische Zeitschrift 11 (1939), p. 314.
[82] The German technical automotive literature of that time is chock full of material about this technology that has been so completely forgotten today. For an introductory overview, cf. Automobiltechnische Zeitschrift 18 (1940) and 18 (1941). Cf. also E. Eckermann, Alte Technik mit Zukunft: Die Entwicklung des Imbert-Generators, Oldenbourg, Munich 1986.
[83] H. Fiebelkorn, Behandlung und Instandsetzung von Fahrzeug-Gaserzeugeranlagen, W. Knapp, Halle 1944, p. 189; cf. 2nd ed., ibid., 1948.
[84] Walter J. Spielberger, Kraftfahrzeuge und Panzer des österreichischen Heeres 1896 bis heute, Motorbuch Verlag, Stuttgart 1976, pp. 207, 213.
[85] Cf. the chapter by I. Weckert, this volume.
[86] A. Hitler, July 15, 1940, quoted from W. Ostwald, Generator-Jahrbuch, 1942, J. Kasper & Co., Berlin 1943, p. 79.
[87] W. Ostwald, op. cit. (note 86), pp. 41f.
[88] E. Eckermann, op. cit. (note 82).
[89] E. Hafer, Die gesetzliche Regelung des Generatoren- und Festkraftstoff-Einsatzes im Großdeutschen Reich, J. Kasper & Co., Berlin 1943, p. 15.
[90] Letter from H. Göring to the Reich Economic Minister, the Reich Transportation Minister, the Commanders-in-Chief of the Wehrmacht units, the Chief of the Wehrmacht Supreme Command, the Reich Ministers for Armament and Munition as well as for the occupied eastern territories, according to E. Hafer, op. cit. (note 89), p. 17.
[91] Motortechnische Zeitschrift, Nr. 6/7, 1943, p. 3A.
[92] E. Hafer, op. cit. (note 89), p. 36.
[93] E. Hafer, op. cit. (note 89), supplement, p. 35a.
[94] U.S. Strategic Bombing Survey, The German Oil Industry Ministerial Report Team 78, War Department, Washington, D.C., 1947, p. 73. More than likely these were training tanks (Schulungspanzer) drafted into combat during the last months of the war.
[95] L. Gassner, "Verkehrshygiene und Schädlingsbekämpfung", Gesundheits-Ingenieur 66(15) (1943), p. 175.
[96] "S" stood for "standard" as in standard drive via the rear wheels, as opposed to the "A" vehicles with all-wheel drive, and the special or "Sonder" vehicles abbreviated as "Sd.-Kfz"; all vehicles such as tanks, for example, had their own Sonder class numbers. Another spezial class was designated with a lower case "s." cf. W. Spielberger, Spezial-Panzer-Fahrzeuge des deutschen Heeres, Motorbuch-Verlag, Stuttgart 1977, pp. 153f.; W. Spielberger, Die Halbkettenfahrzeuge des deutschen Heeres, 2nd ed., ibid., 1984, pp. 170f.; W.J.L. Davies, German Army Handbook 1939-1945, Arco, New York 1981, p. 90. In other words, the German designations had nothing whatever to do with any sinister cover-up as Hilberg and others have often alleged.
[97] F. Kadell, Die Katyn-Lüge, Herbig, Munich 1991.
[98] All Saurer Diesel engines employed, even before the war, a swirl chamber (Doppelwirbelkammer) machined into the top of each piston. This design had been unused for many years after the war and after the demise of the Swiss Saurer. However, the concept has been revived as "bowel in piston" by Audi and is now used widely in the most advanced Diesel engines of VW and Mercedes Benz to help meet the most stringent environmental emissions standards; see John B. Heywood, Internal Combustion Engine Fundamentals, McGraw-Hill, 1988. Of all the Diesels available, the Saurer designs were the least likely to have served as any kind of source for toxic emissions.
[99] The Trial in the Case of the Atrocities Committed by the German Fascist Invaders and their Accomplices in Krasnodar and Krasnodar Territory, July 14 to 17, 1943, Foreign Languages Publishing House, Moscow 1943.
[100] The People's Verdict, Hutchinson & Co., London, 1944, page 43.
[101] Nürnberger Dokument PS-501; cf. I. Weckert in this volume.
[102] Aage Grut, Chronic Carbon Monoxide Poisoning, Ejnar Munksgaard, Copenhagen 1949, p. 69. See also Leo Noro, "Über die durch Motorabgase verursachten Kohlenoxydvergiftungen bei der Mannschaft von Panzerformationen", Acta Medica Scandinavica, CXXI(IV) (1945); K. v. Bagh, "Neurologisch-psychiatische Gesichtspunkte zur Diagnostik und Behandlung der chronischen Generatorgasvergiftungen", Annales Medicinae Internae Fenniae, Vol. 35, 1946.
[103] E. W. Baader, Gewerbekrankheiten, Munich/Berlin 1954, pp. 178-184.
[104] Cf. esp.: W. Gumz, J. F. Foster (Battelle Memorial Institute), "A Critical Survey of Methods of Making a High BTU Gas from Coal", Research Bull. No. 6, American Gas Association, New York 1953; further detailed references are given there.
[105] U. S. Strategic Bombing Survey, Oil Division Final Report, War Department, Washington, D.C., 1947, p. 1 [retrans. from German trans.].
[106] Cf. the chapter by G. Rudolf, this volume, as well as F. P. Berg, "Typhus and the Jews", JHR 8(4) (1988), pp. 433-481 (online: vho.org/GB/Journals/JHR/8/4/Berg433-481.html); F. P. Berg, "The German Delousing Chambers", JHR 7(1) (1986), pp. 73-94 (online: codoh.com/gcgv/gcgvtyph.html).
[107] E. Kogon et al. (eds.), op. cit. (note 25).
[108] Chicago Jewish Sentinel, Dec. 22, 1983.
[109] E. Kogon et al. (eds.), op. cit. (note 25), pp. 171f. Another claim in this book which indicates gasoline engines is that of E. Fuchs, from 1960: "It was a heavy Russian gasoline engine (presumably a tank or tractor engine) with at least 200 hp (V-engine, 8 cylinders, water-cooled)", p. 158, excerpted from papers of the Dortmund Public Prosecutor's Office, Ref. 45 Js 27/61 (Ref. ZSL: 208 AR-Z 251/59, v. 5, fol. 988). However, the Soviets only used Diesel engines for their powerful tank engines, cf. note 31.
[110] Testimony by Prof. W. Pfannenstiel, around 1960, excerpted from papers of the Munich I Public Prosecutor's Office, Ref. 22 Js 64-83/61 (Ref. ZSL: 208 AR-Z 252/59, v. 1, fol. 135ff.), quoted from: E. Kogon et al., op. cit. (note 25), p. 173. Cf. note 21.
[111] E.g., his testimony on June 6, 1950, before a Darmstadt court, quoted from Saul Friedländer, Counterfeit Nazi: The Ambiguity of Good, Weidenfeld and Nicolson, London 1967, p. 118; cf. also, e.g., K. A. Schluch, around 1960, excerpted from documents of the Munich I Public Prosecutor's Office, Ref. 22 Js 64-83/61 (Ref. ZSL: 208 AR-Z 252/59, v. VIII, fol. 1511), quoted from: E. Kogon et al. (eds.), op. cit. (note 25), p. 168; cf. A. Rückerl (ed.), Nationalsozialistische Vernichtungslager im Spiegel deutscher Strafprozesse, dtv, Munich 1978, p. 142; for a more in-depth analysis of the dilemma faced to this day by every German who ever had anything even remotely to do with one of the camps – Treblinka, Belzec and Sobibor were in fact more transit camps than concentration camps – see W. Lindsey, op. cit. (note 13), as well as the chapter by M. Köhler, this volume.
[112] E. Jäckel, P. Longerich, J. H. Schoeps (eds.), Enzyklopädie des Holocaust, 3 vols., Argon, Berlin 1993, entries for "Aktion Reinhard", v. 1, p. 15 "Benzin oder Dieselmotoren" (Gasoline or Diesel Engines), "Belzec", v. 1, p. 176 "Dieselmotor mit 250 PS" (Diesel engine with 250 hp), "Sobibor", v. 3, p. 1332 "200 PS-Motor" (Engine with 200 hp), "Treblinka", v. 3, p. 1428 "Dieselmotor" (Diesel engine), "Gaskammer" (Gas chamber), v. 1, p. 505 "Dieselauspuffgas in den Vernichtungslagern im Generalgouvernement" (Diesel exhaust ... in the extermination camps in the General Government) and "Vernichtungslager" (Extermination camps), v. 3, p. 1496: "These extermination camps [Belzec, Sobibor, Treblinka] used carbon monoxide gas produced by Diesel engines." According to this source, the Sobibor camp (250,000 victims) is the only case where there is any uncertainty regarding the engine type. In Belzec (600,000 victims) and Treblinka (700,000 to 1,200,000 victims) they were definitely Diesel engines.
[113] Jerusalem District Court, Criminal Case No. 373/86, verdict against Ivan (John) Demjanjuk, p. 2: "Diesel motors", p. 7: SU-tanks: V12 Diesel engines with 500/550 hp.
[114] A. Rückerl (ed.), op. cit. (note 111), pp. 61, 64, 133 (re. Belzec); 203f., 226 (re. Treblinka); regarding Sobibor there is talk of gasoline engines: pp. 108, 165, 200; cf. the verdict of the Munich I District Court, Ref. 110 Ks 3/64 (Belzec) and the verdicts of the Düsseldorf District Court, Ref. 8 I Ks 2/64 and 8 Ks 1/69 against K. Franz and F. P. Stangl (both Treblinka), in H. Lichtenstein, Im Namen des Volkes?, Bund, Cologne 1984, pp. 187f. (death after 15 minutes due to Diesel exhaust gas in gas-tight chamber in Belzec), p. 201 (3 screwed-down Diesel engines in Treblinka).
[115] The chemist J. Bailer also fervently defends the Diesel version, although he plays with a stacked deck, cf. note 6. The same goes for Martin Pägert, op. cit. (note 59).
[116] Y. Manin, Novoje Russkoje Slowo, February 26-29, 1995; regarding more details about this article: M. Dragan, "Revisionisten haben Luftüberlegenheit", Vierteljahreshefte für freie Geschichtsforschung, 1(3) (1997), p. 138 (online: vho.org/VffG/1997/3/Dragan3.html).
[117] W. Heller, "Neuzeitliche Holzgas-anlagen für Kraftfahrzeuge," ATZ Automobiltechnische Zeitschrift, Heft 18, 1940, page 458. One of the more notable features of all producer gas generators, just as shown here, is the typical "blower" (Gebläse, Anfachgebläse in German). I have yet to see any producer gas arrangement, and I have seen many in the literature, without such a blower. Of course, each blower could easily discharge poison gas (with as much as 35% CO) once the system was warmed up, and as soon as the blower was simply switched on by the driver--and would have provided an ideal gas for murdering anyone. The fact that such arrangements have never even been implicated means either that the Nazis were technological morons or that the anti-German gassing claims are rubbish, and totally false. Nazi gassings never happened!

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